Abdur RahimIn Bangladesh, narratives of two radical groups are on the rise.
These are Islamist hardliners and Hinduvta supremacists. Both groups have one agenda in common, attracting more followers based on perceived grievances.
It is not surprising that both groups are armored with disinformation and misinformation. The Yunus administration should pay serious attention to this trend, come up with effective strategies, and engage with “stakeholders” before the dangerous outcomes of this issue become too hard to handle.
To put these in context, Jasim Uddin Rahmani, a fiery speaker and known to be the chief of Al- Qaeda inspired Ansarullah Bangla Team, was released months ago from Dhaka’s nearby high security prison, on the ground of completion of his sentence terms in one case.
Equating his release from the jail as ‘victory’, he vowed for ‘targeted revenge’.
A seminar on ‘Political Thoughts of Ummah in the Current Contexts of Bangladesh’ was held at a shopping mall’s Convention Hall in Dhaka. Among the speakers of the seminar was Asif Adnan, affiliated with banned terror outfit Hizbut Tahrir. Meanwhile, another group of Islamists met Jamaat-e-Islami party and endorsed them for a ‘Islamic State’ leadership.
On a different page, a misinformation and disinformation campaign started at the pretext of assaults on Hindu minorities.
The ‘Hindu Genocide in Bangladesh’ campaigns were mostly run from twitter handles associated to a group of Hinduvta supremacists both from India and abroad.
They have been claiming Hindu minorities are in existential crisis due to atrocities carried out by radical Islamists. Their campaigns got amplified from media networks like Republic TV. Doctored images and videos flooded social media.
Thanks to the fact checkers of BBC and others who debunked some images and exposed stories associated to those incidents.
Both scenarios pose significant risks to Bangladesh’s stability.
To add background, former Prime Minister Khaleda Zia’s administration downplayed the threat of rising militancy, leading to inaction that has placed the country on a globally concerning map for extremism. In contrast, Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, in her tenure, overplayed the ‘militancy’ card by often equating political dissent with militant activism, further blurring the line between legitimate opposition and extremism.
Nobel laureate Dr. Yunus recently attempted to bridge divides by calling for equal treatment at a major temple in Dhaka, yet this has had limited impact against the persistent “Hindu Genocide” narrative, which continues to fuel communal tensions. Although these cases differ in scope and intent, their shared outcome is a heightened risk of internal conflict.
With external forces and competing interests potentially viewing Dhaka as a battleground for ideological influence, Bangladesh faces a volatile “ticking bomb” scenario that could have devastating consequences.
What are the big challenges if not addressed early?
Recently, in Bangladesh’s port city Chittagong, a Muslim shopkeeper made a social media post demanding ban of International Society for Krishna Consciousness (ISKCON).
The situation deteriorated when a group of people, presumably followers of the group, tried to assault the shopkeeper. Bangladesh police had to intervene, and the military camp nearby also got involved. Reports came out acid was thrown at the police.
The unfortunate incident was heavily amplified in X handles as attacks on minority Hindus.
At first the incident might be looked upon as a scattered one. Deep down, this is a clear sign of polarization and division, based on religious identity.
While the majority population are in favor of religious tolerance, events like these would incline them to take a stance. Understandably group theory will take the lead and eventually limit the space for open conversations.
The echo chambers and bubbles will only amplify the group’s belief. Since there is hardly space for open dialogues between communities, the fissures can’t be filled with anything.
National and cross border support for each narrative will only intensify the polarization.
In a deeply polarized space, it is hard for existing democratic institutes to function effectively due to the nature of tensions. For the case of Bangladesh, due to gradual autocratization, there is hardly any institute which is independently functioning, ensuring civil and political liberties. On top of that, Bangladesh has been deprived of a vibrant civil society.
That absence would only be exacerbated by communal polarization.
Beyond the social and national boundary, the most critical aspect of this national challenge is international.
The region is filled with different tensions, including civil wars next door.
Sparking the communal tension won’t take much time to get things spilled over. It will raise national and regional security threats as well as strained relations with neighbors, to the least, and tensions with other development partners.
Resources for the government’s priority reform agenda, the core aspiration of the July mass uprising, will be eaten up by this tension.
International reputation will be at stake. The country’s economy and stability will suffer the most.
To showcase the administration’s genuine effort in containing the radicalization, there must be some feasible, effective efforts.
At the national level those may include security monitoring and measures, dedicated legal institution, digital space mapping and immediate response to potential flashpoints.
The key will be communication. An independent commission could be formed to deal with the issue.
At the international level, Dhaka should cooperate with allies and partners in detecting any potential security threats.
It may enhance partnership programs with the UN office of counter terrorism. Without any delay, Dhaka may seek Washington’s help directly.
